In a state where language is inexorably linked to political identity, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) is a shrewd player, having mastered the art of weaponising linguistic politics. Depending on the context, it uses the language both as a victim card and a badge of supremacy.
Given the party’s track record in periodically raking up anti-Hindi sentiments and pushing an over simplistic ‘North Versus South’ binary, it is no surprise that MK Stalin-led Tamil Nadu government chose to tinker with the rupee symbol.
By its provocative action of replacing the Devanagari rupee symbol with a Tamil letter ‘Ru’ (derived from Rubaai, the Tamil equivalent of rupee) in its budget documents, the DMK is trying to stay ahead in the ongoing row with the Centre over the three-language formula.
‘Champion of the South’
Stalin appears to be keen on projecting himself as a champion of the southern states. This was evident from his tactics to keep the pot boiling—first it was the language row, then the delimitation controversy and now replacing the rupee symbol. There is a common thread running through them: eagerness to keep the anti-Hindi sentiment alive.
The replacement of the rupee symbol in the Tamil Nadu budget must be seen for what it is: a political stunt. While no one will argue with people taking pride in their mother tongue or with the governments promoting the regional language, what is on display in Tamil Nadu is linguistic chauvinism. In this time and age, it is incongruous to make anti-Hindi sentiment a political plank.
By its latest action, the DMK government has crossed the limit of political sobriety and taken the confrontational politics to a new low. The DMK has always raked up the emotive language issue for political gains. It captured power in the state in 1967 following an anti-Hindi agitation.
Multilingualism is the way forward
India’s aspirational generation celebrates multilingualism. The youth is constantly on the move in search of better job opportunities and is now better exposed to linguistic diversity that various states offer. They don’t harbour rigid linguistic identity anymore.
It is only the politicians of the likes of Stalin who use linguistic card for their political mileage. It is time they realised that the post-liberalisation India has moved on.
The DMK’s fiery rhetoric, warning of a ‘language war’, has no place in the present day reality which is marked by free movement of people from one corner of the country to another and their ability to quickly embrace the traditions—both cultural and linguistic—of their adopted state.
A heartening feature of modern India is that the millennials and subsequent generations have greater flexibility, acceptance and adaptability when it comes to learning new languages or embracing new cultural practices.
The people must see through the political theatrics of the DMK which has its eyes on the next year’s assembly elections. It is for the people of the state to see through the ploy and not fall for it.
Irony
The irony behind the DMK’s decision is not lost on the political observers. The rupee symbol was designed by D Udaya Kumar from Tamil Nadu. He is the son of former DMK MLA N Dharmalingam. By rejecting the rupee symbol now, the Dravidian party is not only rejecting a national symbol but also utterly disregarding the creative contribution of a Tamil youth.
Udaya Kumar, now working as professor at IIT, Guwahati, was the man behind the distinctive rupee symbol which was officially adopted by the Indian government in July 2010. The rupee symbol is an amalgam of Devanagari “Ra” and Roman capital “R” with two parallel horizontal stripes running at the top representing the national flag and also the “equal to” sign.
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The rupee symbol controversy has further widened the divide between the state and the Centre, setting the stage for a heated political showdown in the coming months.
The move triggered strong reaction from the BJP and other critics of the DMK. The Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman, who hails from Tamil Nadu, said removing the rupee symbol signalled "a dangerous mindset that weakens Indian unity and promotes secessionist sentiments under the pretence of regional pride."
She lamented that DMK has been engaging in regional politics at the cost of national unity. Stalin’s overzealousness should not prompt other CMs to follow suit.
Long history of anti-Hindi movement
The current language row has roots in the political and cultural history of the southern state. Tamil Nadu has always viewed the three-language formula as a ruse to impose Hindi on reluctant people of the state.
The agitation against the imposition of Hindi in Tamil Nadu has a long history, going back to the 1930s when it was still a part of the Madras Presidency.
The National Education Commission, set up in 1964 with Daulat Singh Kothari as chairman, recommended a three-language formula. The parliament passed the bill in 1968 giving effect to some of the recommendations made by the commission.
Since 1967, Tamil Nadu has been following a two-language policy. It primarily teaches Tamil and English in state-run schools.
But the NEP 2020 proposes a three-language policy. The TN government has declared this to be an attempt to impose the language.
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