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Opinion

Leh protests not Arab Spring, nor like Nepal

Given the sensitive geographical location of the region, the government will need to be extra vigilant about the forces behind the violent protest.

News Arena Network - Chandigarh - UPDATED: September 26, 2025, 02:02 PM - 2 min read

There is certainly “something more than meets the eye” about these violent protests.


Sensationalism has always been an irresistible temptation for most of the media anywhere in the world. So is it in India. When protests took place in Leh, the capital city of the Union Territory of Ladakh, the media rushed with the ‘judgment’ that the ‘Gen-Z’ (generation Z) had risen against the Central government. With most of the regional media and region-based reporters of national media being hostile towards the BJP government at the Centre, the protests were magnified and glorified out of proportion.

 

For the record, Wednesday’s violent protests in Leh during which the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (LAHDC) building and the Bharatiya Janata Party office were set on fire, were absolutely not like an Arab Spring or anything like the Nepal protests.

 

“Climate activist” Sonam Wangchuk is blamed for the protests and violence in the hill city. He has been on an indefinite “hunger strike” since September 10. He packed off the same day when violence broke out and left for his village. While dissociating himself from the acts of violence, he however, claimed that it was triggered as two of his associates, who were also sitting on hunger strike, had been hospitalised as their health condition deteriorated and this led to unrest among the youth.

 

Earlier, he was quoted having suggested that Ladakh can have an uprising like the Arab Spring or the Gen-Z protests in Nepal. The “restless and alienated” Gen Z has become the catchword for the dissenting activists and those against the government since the Nepal protests which led to the fall of the government there.

 

Wangchuk has been demanding statehood for the Ladakh region, inclusion of Ladakh in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India and separate parliamentary seats for Ladakh and Kargil regions. Besides, he has been demanding reservation of jobs for the locals.

 

Ladakh region was part of the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir before the abrogation of Article 370 on August 5, 2019. The same day, it was separated from Jammu and Kashmir and made a separate Union Territory. The decision was widely celebrated across the Ladakh region, although in parts of Kargil district, people disagreed for different reasons.

 

The UT status was a long-pending demand of the people of Ladakh region. It started way back in 1989 when there were violent protests, which took place for several days. Subsequently, Ladakh was granted the status of Autonomous Development Council. But people continued with their demand for the union territory, which was granted 30 years later in August 2019.

 

In the LAHDC elections, which were held a year later in 2020, the BJP got a sweeping majority as an endorsement and acknowledgement by the people for fulfilling their demands.

 

Like in most parts of the country where the BJP has grown and spread at the cost of the Congress, the same thing happened in Ladakh as well. The Congress was wiped out and BJP took its place. The BJP also won the Ladakh parliamentary constituency in the 2019 General Elections.

 

Ladakh region consists of two different and distinct regions and districts, Leh and Kargil. While Leh is dominated by the Buddhists, Kargil is dominated by the Muslims, mostly the Shias. The two regions and communities are completely polarised. Even their voting patterns are different. While Leh would go along with the Congress before it went with the BJP, Kargil will always go with the National Conference.

 

In the 2024 General Elections, the Congress and the NC had an alliance. The seat went to the Congress in the seat sharing agreement. The Congress fielded Tsering Namgyal, while the BJP fielded Tashi Gyalson. Both were Buddhists.

 

This was not acceptable to the Muslim community of the Kargil region. They fielded Mohammad Haneefa, a prominent National Conference leader independently. The entire Muslim population of the region voted for Haneefa, while the Buddhist votes got divided. Haneefa won. Such is the extremity of the religious polarisation in the region.

 

Also read: Will Ladakh’s demands finally be met?

 

Since Haneefa believes and rightly so that he has been elected mostly, rather only, because of the Muslim voters of Kargil region, he does not feel obliged towards the Buddhist-dominated Leh district. With the reason, Leh district gets completely ignored. For a union territory with no legislature, not having an MP is a huge handicap. The Leh region practically has no MP right now as Haneefa bothers little.

 

This is the reason that Wangchuk has been demanding separate parliamentary constituencies for Leh and Kargil regions. The demand suits the Muslim-dominated Kargil region also as, if that happens it will have an assured Muslim representative in the parliament. That is the reason Kargil Democratic Alliance has been supporting Wangchuk’s agitation. Otherwise, there is nothing “secular or unifying about” it, as is being suggested.

 

The Government of India has already set the process in motion. A high-powered committee has already been constituted to talk to the people of Ladakh. It has earlier held some rounds of talks. Next round of talks is scheduled on October 6, just 12 days from the day of violent protests. The protesters have also been demanding that the talks be advanced.

 

Although Wangchuk has expectedly denied and distanced himself from the protests and violence, it is widely believed that he has been the main anchor and architect of the unrest in the region. He has planned his protests quite strategically starting with a hunger strike for protecting the natural environment in Ladakh. He has already graduated to political demands like statehood, inclusion in Sixth Schedule of the Constitution and separate parliamentary seats of Leh and Kargil regions, besides reserving local jobs for the local youth.

 

While there is certainly nothing like the Arab Spring or the Nepal Gen-Z protests about Wednesday’s violence in Leh, the situation must be handled with utmost care and caution. Given the sensitive geographical location of the region, the government will need to be extra vigilant about the forces behind the violent protest. It is strange and surprising that the party, which was celebrated and handed over a victory just five years ago, has become the target of mob violence now.

 

There is certainly “something more than meets the eye” about these violent protests.

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