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No two wrongs can make one right. The idea of caste census, no matter who conceived, proposed and propagated, was always wrong and it will always be not only wrong, but regressive and divisive as well. Just because the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party caved into the Congress pressure and accepted the idea, for not so hidden reasons, does not make it right in any way.
It is not that the castes were not identified or mentioned at the time of census, whenever it was carried out, it is how the census is now being projected to be mainly “caste centric”. The constitution of India nowhere mentions or mandates “caste based census”. It is purely a parochial idea conceived with the sole purpose of trying to garner votes from the castes perceived to have remained marginalised and ignored so far.
The caste census is originally an idea of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. He has clearly spelt it out that the caste census is not an end in itself, but only a means towards a “bigger end”. He has postulated a theory according to which “ninety percent Indians” are still marginalised and have no say in the power structure. Nobody has dared to fact check him. Even today, 49 percent positions remain reserved for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
Now, Gandhi wants the fifty percent ceiling on reservations to go. His slogan of “jitni aabadi, utni baagedaari” (to each according to the population proportion of his caste) translates into “population” based share in reservation. He has already made calculations, suggesting that there are about 15 percent SCs, 7 percent STs, about 50 percent OBCs and about 15 percent minorities. This, according to him, means 87 percent of the population deserves the benefit of reservation. He often rounds off the figure to “90 percent” and claims that this “90 percent” population has not got any benefit in the country’s progress so far.
While the fact is that the reservations have been there right since the Constitution of India was adopted. Interestingly, the Constitution had mandated the reservations for only ten years, with an option to extend these by further ten years. The framers of the Constitution, including Chairman of the Drafting Committee Dr BR Ambedkar, never intended to make “reservations” as a permanent feature of the Constitution, which it has become.
Given the hypersensitivity involved with the issue, no political party ever dares to speak about, leave aside against, the current system of “caste based” reservations in the country. It is divisive and regressive. Now, after 77 years of independence, the country is going to cement and strengthen the caste-based reservation system for ages to come. And if Rahul Gandhi ever gets a chance, he will abolish the “fifty percent cap” on reservations as decreed by the Supreme Court of India from time to time. His party has already called upon the government to call a special session and pass a law to circumvent the Supreme Court ruling and remove the “fifty percent cap”.
If and when it happens, there will be no end. How hilarious and absurd it can go can be made out from Rahul Gandhi’s example he has given on several occasions to justify the caste census for empowering SCs/STs/OBCs. To prove his point, he once asked why there are no SCs, no STs or no OBC seen in fashion shows. A time may come when there will be a demand for reservations in sports also. This is no joke. It is threatening to get seriously absurd in not so distant future.
And there is no defence available against such “collective absurd stupidity” when it comes to targeting the votes and voters. Any politician’s aim is to win the next election. In this case also, the ruling BJP at the Centre is widely believed and perceived to have announced to carry out the caste census in view of the assembly elections scheduled in Bihar later this year.
It has been an interesting U-turn by the BJP. Its leaders, including the Prime Minister, would describe the demand for caste census as “divisive”. Prime Minister Modi was quoted having said that those seeking caste census were “urban-Naxals”. But all that has been forgotten and put aside in view of a provincial election ahead. Even this climb down may not necessarily guarantee the BJP led NDA a victory in Bihar, a deeply caste ridden society.
In the overall outcome, the BJP may end up at a disadvantage instead of gaining any advantage. Those who support the caste census are unlikely to make a switchover towards the BJP. Those opposed to the caste census will obviously be disappointed with the BJP as they believed at least the ruling party would not succumb to caste temptations, which it eventually succumbed to.
There is a lesson for those who have been critical, even abusive of Mahatma Gandhi, particularly the same people who would till the recent past strongly oppose the caste census. But they need to know, what Gandhi had done for the country, to prevent fragmentation of the Hindu society, the BJP government has undone.
When Ambedkar wanted separate reservation for the Dalits in provincial assemblies, on the pattern of reservation provided to Muslims, Gandhi strongly resisted it and went for “fast unto death”, as he knew if the political reservations were based on caste, as the British had reserved seats for Muslims, it will gravely weaken the Hindu society. He eventually prevailed upon Ambedkar who gave up his demand for the “caste electorate”.
There is already reservation of seats in the Parliament and provincial assemblies for the SCs and STs. If Rahul’s idea of caste census is followed up, there may soon be more MPs from reserved categories. Rahul is suggesting to do that eventually, as he says, the “90 percent” have not been provided any share in power so far, which he offers to provide after the caste census. He proclaims that the caste census will lead to “paradigm shift” in the progress and development of the country.
Caste census is not a progressive, but a regressive idea, which contradicts the idea of a “casteless” society free from discrimination and inequality.