Clash, violence and intimidation are becoming an integral part of India’s electoral discourse. Out of 102 parliamentary seats in 21 states and union territories that went to polls in the first phase of Lok Sabha elections 2024 on April 19, ‘violence’ had a special mention in the developments that took place in these states.
Do the powers that be in the political parties can think of 'chaos' as the only means to gain power?
One can hardly have a concrete answer to this question. However, as an electorate, my views are changing with each electoral memory that I am making. I have seen the change of power in the state of West Bengal in 2011 when Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee stormed to power, thereby ending the rule of the Left government, which ruled the state for 34 years.
Prior to that the state was ruled by the Indian National Congress.
At a time when the Chief Minister of West Bengal Mamata Banerjee was rising in the state’s politics, it was Jyoti Basu, who was in power. And one of the primary incidents that brought CM Banerjee at the centre of Bengal politics — when she hogged the limelight — it was in 2000 when 11 Muslim labourers were lynched, reportedly, by CPI(M) cadre. The incident rocked the nation.
Another relevance of the year 2000 in Bengal’s politics was the uprising of former Chief Minister of West Bengal Buddhadeb Bhattacharya.
CM Banerjee toppled Bhattacharya’s citadel in 2011, followed by the political clashes that occurred between TMC and CPI(M) in Nandigram over setting up a chemical establishment.
In a similar vein, the Singur issue was used to set the narrative of the 2011 Assembly Elections. The Left government tried to provide 1,000 acres of farmland to Tata Motors for setting up a factory but CM Banerjee revolted on the pretext of protecting farmer’s rights.
‘Clash’, henceforth, became central to Left’s downfall in the state. On viewing it from the other side of the fence, ‘clash’ lies at the heart of CM Banerjee’s ascension to power.
A regime that had a woman at its helm and was based on the idea of cutting across all the barriers to fight for the cause of ‘people’ saw a shift in paradigms with each electoral exercise.
After 2011, it was the Panchayat Elections of 2018 when the term ‘violence’ became synonymous to elections in Bengal. It was being considered as one of the features of state politics. And this time, the Bharatiya Janata Party has already started to gain momentum in the state.
Reports suggested that 18 people were killed and frequent bouts of violence unfolded between the two prominent parties — this time, it was TMC & BJP — of West Bengal in panchayat elections.
Although official data suggest that panchayat polls of 2018 claimed the lives of 13 people, it was learnt that nearly 30 people died only in the run-up to the polls, let alone the D-Days.
And the ruling party won 34 per cent of the seats uncontested.
The next was the Assembly Elections of 2021 and the post-poll ‘violence’ appeared like a celebration of victory. CM Banerjee came to power for the third time in a row, striking out the narrative of BJP claiming the state.
Today, it is April 19, 2024 and three Lok Sabha constituencies from the state — Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar — went to the polls.
Sadly, ‘violence’ was reported from each of these places— Chandmari, Sitalkuchi, Mathabhanga, Cooch Behar South, Alipurduar and Jalpaiguri. Locals, too, got injured in the tussle for power.
To increase the intensity, it was learnt that nine bombs were, reportedly, found from just 200m away from a polling booth in Cooch Behar.
Word of the street proclaims that the BJP in the state is provoking the ruling party to resort to violence. Whereas, BJP’s ambition to gain power is opening the gates of intimidation.
Whatever, maybe the reasons for such incidents of violence in the electoral exercise of Bengal, it can never be accepted as a substitute for mechanisms that form governments.
West Bengal has a long history of political rivalry, leading to clash and intimidation. However, that can not become the reality of a state’s electoral landscape.
One hopes that in the remaining six phases of general elections in the state, ‘violence’ does not become central to them.
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