By Vimal Sumbly
Shiromani Akali Dal breakaway faction's appointment of Giani Harpreet Singh, former acting Akal Takhat Jathedar, as president represents a significant gamble. The Shiromani Akali Dal, the party they claim to represent, is a predominantly 'Jatt' (rural peasantry) dominated political party. Till now, the Shiromani Akali Dal has never had a Dalit president. All presidents so far have been 'Jatts', except for Master Tara Singh, who was a non-Jatt president of the party. He was a towering leader recognised and acknowledged not only among Sikh circles, but across the country as well.
Caste is an integral factor of Indian life. So it is about Indian politics. Grand claims of a casteless society notwithstanding, caste affiliation does play an important factor in politics in India. The numbers tell the story: whilst the 'Jatt' population in Punjab is around 25-30 per cent, they have dominated political power since independence. Punjab, despite being socially one of the most progressive states in the country, has also not escaped the "caste affiliations and temptations" when it comes to sharing power. One of the main factors for the Congress' rout in 2022 Assembly elections in Punjab was said to be the Dalit Chief Minister, which the dominant 'Jatt' community did not accept.
'Jatts' have always controlled power in Punjab. Not just political power, the Jatts have taken control of different religious sects also. At one time, even the Arya Samaj in Punjab had a substantial presence of the 'Jatts', who later fell apart after the movement for freeing the 'gurdwaras' from the control of mahants started in Punjab. No wonder Bhagat Singh's family, which belonged to the Sandhu 'Jatt' clan, was a follower of the Arya Samaj. So was popular film actor Dharmendra Deol's family. Even the sects like Radha Soami and Dera Sacha Sauda have 'Jatts' as their heads.
'Technically' and 'rhetorically' the rebel faction has a strong argument that Sikhism does not believe in the caste system. Shiromani Akali Dal is primarily a party representing the 'panthic' (the Sikh) interests. Since the religion does not make any difference on the basis of caste, it is immaterial as to which caste the newly "elected" president, Giani Harpreet Singh belongs to. His appointment as party president may attract the Dalit community as well. Otherwise, the Dalit community has mostly gone along with the Congress, before it switched over to the AAP though not in its entirety.
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Despite the Sikh religion being clear and categorical against any caste distinctions or discrimination, there are segregated 'gurdwaras' in many places across Punjab. There is no bar, however, for members of other communities visiting any of the 'gurdwaras'. The segregation may not be very severe and intense, but people do make a distinction in the name of caste. And it is not that only the supposedly upper caste 'Jatts' assert their identity. The Dalits, particularly in the Doaba region, proudly wear their identity up their sleeve. Like among other sects with stickers on their vehicles proclaiming "proud to be a Jatt or proud to be a Rajput", stickers proclaiming "proud to be a Chamar" can be seen stuck on car screens in many parts of Punjab.
The Dalit community's highest moment—the appointment of Charanjit Singh Channi as chief minister—also serves as a cautionary tale. Despite Channi being highly qualified (a doctorate in political science), his tenure revealed Punjab's caste fault lines. Whilst Congress performed respectably in Dalit-dominated Doaba because of him, it suffered badly in the Jatt-dominated Malwa and Majha regions for the same reason. The electoral verdict carried a subtle but unmistakable caste message: Punjab wasn't ready for Dalit leadership at the top.
In a feudal political culture like the one that prevails in Punjab, a Dalit replacing a 'Jatt' may be a revolutionary idea. Strictly according to the tenets of Sikhism, which makes no distinction on the basis of caste, it may well prove impractical and unacceptable to many on the ground. The caste inclinations among the peasantry are still quite strong with feudal tendencies.
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In Giani Harpreet Singh's case, he has a strong and powerful rival in Sukhbir Singh Badal, who is heading the main faction of the Shiromani Akali Dal. Sukhbir has over three decades of experience in politics having served both in the government as well as in the Opposition. Giani Harpreet in comparison is a political novice. He possesses great scholarship having done his doctorate in comparative study on Sikhism and Islam. But that may not be enough to meet and beat the challenge that Sukhbir and his Akali Dal are certain to pose to him.
Above all, he will have to fight a battle at the "caste level" as well. The 'Jatt' community has always dominated political power in Punjab right since the days of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. After independence and after the formation of the separate Punjab state in 1966, whether it was the Congress or the Akali Dal and now the Aam Aadmi Party, it is the 'Jatt' community which has had the main control over political power. Even when Giani Zail Singh, a non-Jatt became the Congress chief minister in 1971, the party and the government was dominated by the 'Jatt' community only.
Justice Gurnam Singh, Parkash Singh Badal, Surjit Singh Barnala, Darbara Singh, Beant Singh, Capt Amarinder Singh, Harcharan Singh Brar, Rajinder Kaur Bhattal and Bhagwant Mann from different political parties, all belong to the 'Jatt' community—a striking dominance for a group comprising merely a quarter of Punjab's population.
Shiromani Akali Dal has been the representative party of the 'panth' and has always been dominated by the 'Jatt' community. It is not that community members are 'casteist' in the typical and hateful sense, but when it comes to political power, the community does feel threatened and challenged and would resist any attempt to encroach upon its claims to power. The 'Jatt' community members in their personal and social relationships are among the most liberal ones. But that does not hold true about control over power, whatever sort of it may be, particularly political power.
As Giani Harpreet Singh transitions from 'Piri' (spiritual authority) to 'Miri' (worldly power), he faces a test that transcends mere politics—whether Punjab's entrenched power structures can truly embrace the egalitarian ideals Sikhism preaches. The answer will determine not just his political fate, but whether the state can finally break free from the caste chains that bind its democratic aspirations. In navigating these treacherous waters, he carries the hopes of those who believe Punjab can rise above its feudal past, even as the odds suggest otherwise.
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