red-terror-must-end-for-a-green-signal-for-talks

At the core of the Maoist ideology is the belief that power can be captured through the barrel of a gun and the annihilation of class enemies. In other words, only an armed revolution can overthrow the State and usher in a perceived egalitarian society.

 

Isn’t it deliciously paradoxical, then, for a democratically elected government to agree to talks with an armed outfit that doesn’t believe in the Parliamentary democracy model?   

 

Guns and talks cannot go together

 

By ruling out talks with the Communist Party of India (Maoist), Union Home Minister Amit Shah has reaffirmed the non-negotiable nature of democratic principles. No group or organisation can expect to have a dialogue with the government unless it lays down arms and eschews violence.

 

The minister struck a right chord when he asserted that the ultras must either surrender and embrace peace or be prepared to be eliminated. His assertion that the security forces would free the country from ‘red terror’ by March 31 next year is quite reassuring. For several decades, Naxalite violence wreaked havoc across many regions, leading to loss of lives and persistent hurdles to the development process.

 

A false narrative was built by some pseudo-intellectuals over the years that the Naxal ideology was meant to fight for development and the uplift of the downtrodden. In reality, the ultra-left radicals have been eliminating innocent people, branding them as police informers, and obstructing development in areas where they were active, be it in Telangana or Chhattisgarh.

 

The tribal communities in the Bastar region, where Maoists are still active, have already realised that it was the violent agenda of Naxalites that was responsible for depriving the region of development.

 

Bitter lessons from the past

 

In the recent past, several statements have appeared in the media, attributed to some senior Maoist leaders, offering talks with the government. There was, however, no mention of surrendering their arms.

 

This makes a hollow offer. Going by the experience, such an offer of talks could be a ploy by the outlawed outfit to regroup itself and use the breather to recruit cadres and procure arms to launch an offensive in future.

 

The Maoist organisation is now facing an existential crisis following the death of several of its top leaders in encounters with security forces and large-scale surrenders. It has lost its appeal among the youth, and recruitments have virtually dried up. The revolutionary dream is no more alluring.

 

Also read: Fatal blow to Maoist movement

 

According to official data, security forces have intensified operations, leading to the surrender of 985 Maoists, the arrest of 1,177, and the killing of 305 insurgents in encounters over the past 13 months. As many as 500 Maoists have surrendered in the past month alone.

 

The government has offered an attractive rehabilitation package for those willing to surrender and join the social mainstream.

 

In October 2004, just a day ahead of the talks with the Andhra Pradesh government—the first-ever direct engagement with any government—a top Naxalite leader had famously said, “talks (with government) are war by other means.”

 

The loaded statement was made by Haragopal alias Ramakrishna, who was then the secretary of AP state committee of the People’s War Group (PWG.

 

More than two decades later, some sections within the Maoist organisation, facing intense heat from the security forces and suffering heavy losses in its strongholds, have come up with a talks proposal.

 

In the past, the ultra-left outfit had employed similar tactics to buy time and regroup itself.

 

The process of talks had only served as a strategic retreat for the Maoists in the past. The collapse of the dialogue process in 2004, initiated by the then Congress government headed by YS Rajasekhar Reddy, highlights the tactics of the Naxalite organisation.

 

Memories of failed talks

 

In the run-up to the 2004 assembly elections, the Congress, which was then in the opposition, promised in its poll manifesto that it would initiate talks with the Naxalites to find a lasting peace.

 

After coming to power, the Rajasekhar Reddy government kept up its word and invited the leaders of the PWG for direct talks. Billed as a historic initiative, the talks began on October 15, 2004 in earnest.

 

A team of 11 Maoists, led by CPI (M-L) Central Committee member Akkiraju Haragopal emerged from the Nallamala forest near Srisailam to participate in talks. By then, the CPI (M-L) and People’s War Group had merged to form the CPI (Maoist).

 

However, the dialogue process collapsed midway with the Naxalite leaders pulling out of the talks, alleging ‘continued encounters’. Later, it was revealed by the police that the Maoists had used the ceasefire period to regroup themselves and procure arms.

 

In the following years, operations by the ‘Greyhounds’, an elite anti-naxalite unit of the AP police, eliminated top leaders and a large number of cadres in encounters. The success of the Greyhounds led to the governments of Odisha and Chhattisgarh inviting it to help them tackle Maoists in their states.

 

Eroding public support

 

Most of the Maoist top leadership hail from Telangana, which was once considered the bastion of the Naxalite movement. However, over the years, the movement lost its sheen. A combination of steady erosion in public support and sustained pressure from security forces forced the Naxalite leaders to escape to the neighbouring states like Chhattisgarh, Odisha and Maharashtra.

 

Also read: Maoists call bandh in 5 states on Oct 15

 

Once a romantic notion that attracted both the restive urban youth on campuses and the underprivileged and exploited sections in rural areas and gave them a sense of purpose and justice, Naxalism has gradually degenerated into a refuge for a clutch of extortionists and trigger-happy vigilantes indulging in pointless violent attacks and blindly obstructing developmental projects.

 

Indiscriminate killing of innocent people, branding them as police informers, and resorting to the same brutal methods that they often accuse their enemy classes of, public hangings after holding kangaroo courts, killing politicians and policemen and resorting to extortions have resulted in a steady erosion of public support. The academics and intellectual class, once the mainstay of the Maoist ideology, slowly moved away from it.

 

No place in democracy

 

This abominable path of violence has no place in democratic societies and hence must be fought on multiple fronts.

 

Weak governance, corruption, and inadequate provision of basic services in affected regions contribute to a sense of alienation and disillusionment among the local population. The inability of the governments to address the root causes of discontent creates space for extremist groups to exploit the situation.

 

Development policies that fail to reach the grassroots level and address the specific needs of marginalised communities contribute to the appeal of leftist ideologies. Moreover, the uneven distribution of the benefits of economic growth exacerbates social inequalities. Left-wing extremist groups position themselves as champions of the oppressed, promising to address the economic and social disparities that persist in these regions.

 

The governments need to focus on improving socio-economic conditions in areas affected by left-wing extremism, such as investing in infrastructure, creating employment opportunities, and providing better access to education and healthcare.

 

Along with stepping up security operations, there is a need to simultaneously push for projects that focus on sustainable development and conservation of natural resources in areas affected by extremism. By involving local communities in environmental protection efforts, a sense of ownership and responsibility can be fostered, leading to reduced extremism.

 

A judicious mix of security and developmental measures will put considerable pressure on the movement.

 

The efforts of the security forces must be complemented strongly by a host of soft measures like the implementation of the Forest Dwellers Act, improving connectivity and communication, and building infrastructure in remote places.